The man in the video is beside himself, his bloody face radiating anguish.
“I am an academic doctor,” he says, “I have had a good life, but we have disgusting leaders (of Hamas). They have become accustomed to our blood, God curse them! They are scum!”
The video, unthinkable before the Gaza war, was filmed in front of a hospital, flooded with hundreds of wounded Palestinians after an Israeli operation to free hostages in central Gaza last month.
Warning: Graphic image
A few seconds before the video ends, he addresses the crowd.
“I am one of you,” he says, “but you are a cowardly people. We could have prevented this attack!”
The video went viral. And it’s not the only one.
Open criticism of Hamas has been on the rise in Gaza, both on the streets and online.
Some have publicly criticised the organisation for hiding hostages in apartments near a busy market, or for launching rockets from civilian areas.
Locals have told the BBC that it is now common to swear and curse Hamas leaders in markets, and that some donkey cart drivers have even nicknamed their animals after Hamas leader in Gaza, Yahia Sinwar. urging the donkeys onward with cries of “Yala (come on), Sinwar!”
“People say things like ‘Hamas has destroyed us’ or even ask God to take their lives,” one man said.
“They ask what purpose the October 7 attacks served; some say they were a gift to Israel.”
Some are urging their leaders to agree to a ceasefire with Israel.
There are still people in Gaza who are vehemently loyal to Hamas and, after years of repressive control, it is difficult to know to what extent the group is losing support or whether existing opponents are feeling freer to speak their minds.
However, even some members on the payroll of the group itself are wavering.
A senior Hamas government official, who asked to remain anonymous, told the BBC that The October 7 attacks were “a reckless and uncalculated leap”.
“I know from my work with the Hamas government that it prepared well for the military attack, but neglected the internal front,” he said.
“They did not build any safe shelter for people, they did not reserve enough food, fuel and medical supplies. If my family and I survive this war, I will leave Gaza as soon as I can.”
Opposition to Hamas existed long before the war, although much of it remained hidden for fear of reprisals.
The last time Palestinian elections were held, in 2006, Gazans voted for Hamas in 15 of the territory’s 24 seats; in the other nine districts, voters chose a different party.
A year later, Hamas violently expelled Palestinian Authority forces from Gaza, sparking a bitter split with rival Fatah movementand the group took over management of the entire Gaza Strip.
Ameen Abed, a political activist, said he had been arrested many times for speaking out against Hamas before the war, but added that nine months later, dissent was becoming more common.
“In Gaza, most people criticize what Hamas has done,” he said.
“They see children living in tents and it has become common to insult their leaders. However, (Hamas) has a lot of support among those outside Gaza’s borders, sitting under the air conditioning in their comfortable homes, Those who have not lost a child, a home, a future or a leg“.
Desperation and war are eroding social structures in Gaza, and Hamas’s grip is no longer what it once was.
Four-fifths of Gaza’s population has been displaced, often moving between temporary shelters.
And law and order has broken down in some places, partly as a result of Israel’s policy of targeting Gaza security forces – not just Hamas’s internal security but also the community police responsible for street crime.
As control has diminished, criminal gangs have proliferatedwho loot neighborhoods and aid convoys, and private security companies have emerged, some run by powerful local families.
A staff member of an aid organization operating in Gaza described “absolute chaos on the street” and “a state of anarchy”and claimed that civil order had been completely broken down as a result of Israeli policy.
Israel’s prime minister has repeatedly vowed to continue the war until Hamas’s military and governance capabilities are destroyed.
However, some humanitarian organizations – in both northern and southern Gaza – have also reported regular monitoring of their activities by local Hamas officials, and videos frequently circulate of unofficial Hamas security forces shooting and beating those caught looting.
A well-informed source He told the BBC that Hamas had killed dozens of people in a bloody settling of scores. with other local groups after Israeli troops withdrew from an area.
Fear of criticizing Gaza’s leaders may have diminished, but it has not disappeared, so it remains difficult to accurately assess, beyond individual testimonies, the extent to which support for the group is changing.
Some, like Jihad Talab, 26, remain staunch supporters of Hamas.
Displaced from the Zeitoun area of Gaza City with his wife, daughter and mother, and now a refugee in Deir al Balah, he said the group was not responsible for their suffering.
“We must support (Hamas) because it is the one that works on the ground, the one that understands the battle, not you or me,” he said. “Empty accusations only serve the (Israeli) occupation.” We will support them until our last breath”.
A periodic survey conducted by a West Bank-based think tank, the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, suggests that Most people in Gaza still blame Israel and its allies for the war, not Hamas.
The latest poll in June found that nearly two-thirds of Gazans were satisfied with Hamas (up 12 points from December) and that nearly half would prefer Hamas to rule Gaza after the war, rather than any other option.
These findings differ from several accounts reported by the BBC, including that of a senior Hamas official who privately acknowledged that they were losing support as a result of the war.
These glimpses through the cracks of the media blockade around Gaza can never provide a complete assessment of the situation. Israel and Egypt prohibit international journalists from reporting first-hand on the situation in the territory.
What is clear is that Hamas remains highly sensitive to public opinion.
Strikingly similar messages regularly appear on certain social media platforms to justify their actions, in what often appear to be responses to criticism in the country.
A source familiar with Hamas told the BBC there was an organised international network to coordinate the group’s messages on social media.
After Israeli families released a video showing the moment Hamas units abducted female soldiers on Oct. 7, some in Gaza questioned whether attacking women during war was in line with Islamic teachings.
In response, several pro-Hamas social media accounts posted similar messages insisting that the soldiers (male or female) were justifiable military targets, and claiming that the unit had been involved in shootings against Gazan protesters during demonstrations six years ago.
Criticism of Hamas is becoming more and more acute and Long-buried divisions over Hamas rule are becoming apparent.
From the destruction left by Israel’s battle against Hamas, a new war is emerging: a battle for control of public opinion within Gaza itself.
This article was written and edited by our journalists with the help of an artificial intelligence tool for translation, as part of a pilot program.
Click here to read more stories from BBC News Mundo.
You can also follow us on Youtube, Instagram, YoukTok, X, Facebook and in our new WhatsApp channelwhere you’ll find breaking news and our best content.
And remember that you can receive notifications in our app. Download the latest version and activate them.
- What has happened to Hamas after half a year of war against Israel in Gaza
- Foreign funds, donations, taxes and cryptocurrencies: what is known about how Hamas finances itself?
- What is the origin of the rivalry between Hamas and Fatah, and how does it affect the Palestinian cause?